By Hamid Ouali
This ebook offers a learn of assorted vital features of Tamazight Berber syntax in the generative culture. >
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Additional info for Agreement, Pronominal Clitics and Negation in Tamazight Berber: A Unified Analysis
The first reason has to do with the distribution "d-ad" in the other Zemmour dialects. Take for example the Quebliyeen dialect described in this work and consider examples where dis left out and is used as a future marker in a root clause. As pointed out above, such examples are ungrammatical as shown in (25). The second reason is: if d is a focus marker, as Boukhris (1998) ao Tamazight Verb Morphology and Clause Structure 45 claims, then why doesn't it occur with verbs in the Perfective form in sentences denoting past tense or with verbs in the Imperfective form in sentences denoting present tense?
CP C [TP T+V [yp 1y ]]] c. [CP C+V [TP T [yp 1y ]]] d. [CP C [TP T [FP F+V [VP 1y ]]]] (3) a. [CP C (Elouazizi 2005: 4) Using empirical evidence from Tarifit Berber, Elouazizi argues for option ( (3)-d) as the representation of verb movement in Berber. " (Tarifit Berber, Elouazizi 2005: 4) Elouazizi rightly argues that examples such as ( 4) with a verb preceding the subject point to the verb being outside the VP domain especially considering the widely accepted VP-internal subject hypothesis (Koopman and Sportiche 1991).
Another piece of evidence comes from examples such as ( 47) above where both the model la and the tense marker la co-occur in the same clause; a fact that is expected and which is indeed borne out. Examples (48), (49), and (50) further confirm this by showing that given the fact that negation in Tamazight must have scope over tense elements, the la that occurs with the Perfective form must be the model form since it must precede negation as shown by examples ( 49) and (50). I will, therefore, adopt Boukhris (1998) approach in treating the behavior of la as reflecting two separate morphemes.