Elisa P. Reis, Mick Moore's Elite Perceptions of Poverty and Inequality PDF

By Elisa P. Reis, Mick Moore

Drawing on case reviews from quite a number constructing international locations, the individuals to this quantity become aware of significant modifications in how nationwide elites comprehend and symbolize poverty. The vintage threats that prompted elites in overdue nineteenth century Europe, corresponding to the terror of crime, epidemics, army weak point or political unrest--do now not characteristic prominently within the awareness of so much constructing nation elites. Nor do such a lot of them think that there's a conceivable approach to poverty via public motion. The findings aid to provide an explanation for the relative ineffectiveness of poverty aid techniques thus far, and illustrate the necessity to current poverty in ways in which tie in with how nationwide elites comprehend their world.

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Where do they come from? How are they recruited? What are their particular characteristics? Unfortunately there are few studies on the subject, and those there are were mainly conducted in the 1960s, and only on the entrepreneurial elite (Queiroz 1965; Queiroz et al. 1962). While these studies, and a few individual biographies, provide relevant insights, they do not allow us to make generalizations on social background, recruitment and socialization processes, intra-elite networks, etc. We know that there is a huge gap between the elite and the large majority of the population in terms of income and other indicators of well-being.

8), very few of our elite respondents in five countries gave much hint that they viewed poverty in these terms. 7 For explanations of how the configuration of political institutions affects how perceptions and interests are translated into patterns of political action, see Skocpol (1992: 41–60) and Houtzager (2003: 13–18). 8 For recent discussions of the roles of ideas in politics, see Berman (2001) and Lieberman (2002). 9 ‘A house may be large or small; as long as the surrounding houses are equally small it satisfies all social demands for a dwelling.

Taking into consideration only the 1990s, we observe that the top 1 per cent collected 13 to 15 per cent of the country’s income, while the top 10 per cent obtained between 45 and 49 per cent. ). How can we explain acute, persistent and pervasive inequality? One could resort to the secular monopoly that the elite holds over all kinds of resources, political, economic and social. This is what Brazilians do most of the time to explain how and why inequalities persist. Academic and lay publications, official and counter-cultural discourses alike, all call attention to deep history: the Iberian influence, the latifundia tenure pattern, and slavery.

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