By Nina B. Huntemann, Ben Aslinger
A suite of formerly unpublished essays via either proven and rising students on games within the worldwide context. It represents the transnational nature of games when it comes to business, textual, and participant practices, and advances cross-disciplinary methods to video game experiences. It comprises essays from students from seven nations reading video game cultures on macro- and micro-levels and investigates the growing to be transnational nature of electronic play. They comment on international locations now not often tested by way of video game reports – together with the previous Czechoslovakia, Turkey, India and Brazil – and likewise provides new views to the worldwide gaming hubs of China, Singapore, Australia, Japan, and the U.S.. by means of reading either the main markets in addition to areas and localities that experience regularly been under-served through dominant commercial avid gamers and under-examined by means of either reporters and students, this assortment bargains a extra nuanced, fluid, and hybrid photo of gaming. those essays additionally supply new instructions for online game reviews because the box matures past the binaries of hardware/software, ludology/narratology, and major/indie improvement. as well as full-length essays, short snapshots of case reviews are incorporated. the range of areas and views explored within the snapshots and full-length essays aid domesticate new floor for examine and element to possibilities for students attracted to the cross-pollination of gaming and globalization experiences.
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Additional info for Gaming Globally: Production, Play, and Place
The purpose of this chapter is twofold: First, to extend Miller’s critique of labor in the digital economy to emphasize the role of material objects; and second, to inject into the discussion about “women in games” the role of labor in the production and promotion of video game platforms. 42 NINA B. HUNTEMANN Applying a global feminist political economic lens, this chapter cracks open the console in order to expose the gendered nature of video game hardware, and traces the transnational networks of production and promotion that rely heavily on low-wage and low-skilled female labor.
In contrast, publishers tend to be larger companies affiliated with multiple developers, most typically through first- or second-party relationships. Because of this, it is not unheard of for hardware developers to vertically integrate, purchasing publishers and studios of their own. Both Microsoft and Sony are examples of this. It is the publisher’s role to get software to retailers and onto particular gaming platforms, such as consoles, PCs, mobile phones, and so on. This also means that publishers, rather than developers, are typically in charge of negotiating contracts with hardware manufacturers, unless, of course, they are themselves also hardware manufacturers.
The seventh-generation console represented commodities built for fetishization. If the reviews at the time of release are any indication, console manufacturers succeeded. The Sony PlayStation 3 was described as “sleek and gleaming black” and as something that “blends with the most sophisticated of living room [entertainment] systems” (Lewis 2006). Similar praise flowed to the Nintendo Wii, which was described as simple and elegant, gathering considerable praise for reconceptualizing the game controller rather than the console (Elkin 2006).