By National Research Council, Division of Behavioral and Social Sciences and Education, Commission on Behavioral and Social Sciences and Education, Committee on National Urban Policy
This quantity files the ongoing development of targeted poverty in vital towns of the U.S. and examines what's identified approximately its explanations and results. With cautious analyses of coverage implications and replacement suggestions to the matter, it presents:
- A statistical photograph of people that reside in components of targeted poverty.
- An research of eighty many times bad inner-city neighborhoods over a 10-year period.
- Study effects at the results of starting to be up in a "bad" neighborhood.
- An assessment of ways the suburbanization of jobs has affected possibilities for inner-city blacks.
- A special exam of federal guidelines and courses on poverty.
Inner-City Poverty within the United States should be a helpful device for policymakers, application directors, researchers learning city poverty concerns, college, and students.
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Extra info for Inner-City Poverty in the United States
31 One set of factors, however, that is clearly important is the SMSA poverty rate among blacks and Hispanics. Figure 2-6 shows the change in the level of ghetto poverty among blacks plotted against the change in the black poverty rate between 1970 and 1980. 32 Figure 2-6 Ghetto poverty among blacks and the black poverty rate (changes 1970-1980, by region and size). Clearly, there is a strong relationship between the change in the black poverty rate and the change in the level of ghetto poverty.
Given that the stratifying variable is the neighborhood poverty rate, one would expect differences on economic measures. Nevertheless, it is interesting to note how large the differences are. Although nearly 90 percent of the males aged 25 to 44 in the SMSA are employed, in ghettos only two-thirds in Memphis and just over half in Philadelphia are employed. A far greater proportion of ghetto males are not in the labor force at all. Those who are in the labor force are three times more likely to be unemployed.
We argued above that this criterion does not identify ghetto poverty very well. Second, the CPS uses the tract poverty rate from a previous decennial census until the next one becomes available. As a result, the tract poverty rates are attached to data that are as many as 10 or more years out of sync. With the rapid changes and movements common in ghetto areas (see "The Geography of Ghetto Poverty"), this procedure is simply too flawed to make the data it generates useful. We rely, therefore, on 1970 and 1980 census data.