By Walter Warlimont
Normal Warlimont was once on the heart of energy in the course of certainly one of history's so much shattering classes.
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However, if he would be unable to make it to the Party congress himself, he would like to send Nguyen Long Bang as his representative. Nevertheless, he intended to visit Moscow to inform them about the situation in Vietnam and discuss questions related to the struggle and the work within the Vietnamese Communist Party with Stalin. Stalin replied with a cable on 2 October 1952, in which he welcomed Ho to Moscow and said that he approved of the idea of travelling incognito. 51 On 19 November Ho wrote in his farewell letter to Stalin that he would work hard on the implementation of land reform and the war.
The lack of written material, and a slow flow of information, could be why the foreign ministry officials were concerned with the lack of answers from the DRV leadership. During his stay in Moscow, Ho most probably conveyed his answer to the Soviet recognition of Vietnam to Stalin personally, and thus there would be no trace of this in the files. 19 They might also have chosen to trust that their leader would take care of this business while in 18 Setting the stage Moscow. Thus, in the end this was just the worry of some petty bureaucrat in the Soviet foreign ministry and had no particular importance to the overall Soviet– Vietnamese relationship.
The Vietnamese were also ready to buy Burmese weapons (US surplus weapons) and let aircraft drop them over Vietnam with parachutes. 48 In the years before the establishment of the PRC contact between the Chinese and Vietnamese Communists remained limited, even though Ho Chi Minh, as Choosing sides 11 well as several of the other leaders in Hanoi, previously had entertained close connections with the Chinese Communists in the 1920s and 1930s. During his time as an active member of the PCF in Paris, Ho met several of the men who would become central within the CCP, such as Zhou Enlai, Wang Ruofei, Xiao San and Li Fuchun.