By Mona Ozouf
Une sensibilité contemporaine attend aujourd'hui de l. a. fête, comme de los angeles Révolution, los angeles métamorphose radicale du Vieux Monde. los angeles fête est-elle en soi révolutionnaire? L'analyse des fêtes de l. a. Révolution française, si visiblement liées à l'épisode révolutionnaire qu'elles surgissent et s'engloutissent avec lui, devrait permettre de répondre à l. a. question.
De l'ensemble foisonnant des fêtes en Révolution, les historiens ont proposé mille typologies : ils ont opposé les fêtes célébrées par les équipes concurrentes, souligné l'antagonisme de los angeles Raison et de l'Être suprême, et vu dans Thermidor l. a. coupure de deux ères cérémonielles. À ces interprétations bigarrées, Mona Ozouf substitue l'image d'une fête extrêmement cohérente : elle met en évidence des régularités plus que des singularités ; elle réconcilie Mirabeau, Robespierre, los angeles Révellière-Lépreaux dans une pensée commune des fêtes ; c'est los angeles Fête révolutionnaire, dans son rapport particulier au temps et à l'espace, avec sa volonté pédagogique et son ambition utopienne d'un monde en ordre. l. a. fête de los angeles Révolution française est ici l'institutrice de los angeles nation.
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Additional info for La Fête révolutionnaire (1789-1799)
Some ofﬁcials in the royal ﬁscal machine—he singled out the receveurs généraux —should be appointed on commission so that they could be removed or transferred if they were suspected of wrongdoing. Once more, the theme was that of the ⁴⁵ BN MS Fr 3950 fo. 170v . , fo. 173. ⁴⁸ Ibid. , fo. 172. 26 Defeat and Reformation progressive nurturing of the virtues of ﬁdelity, honesty, and diligence. Little by little, the Augean stables of royal service were to be sanitized. Monetary inﬂation had begun to have a serious impact in France and there was already a debate among its notables as to its underlying causes and the possible solutions one might adopt.
How and when the ‘physic’ necessary to achieve such health was to be administered remained, as we shall see, a matter of debate. It is possible that the Assembly of Notables held at Compiègne in the autumn of 1573 was one of the consequences of Anjou’s memorandum. ⁶⁰ In reality, such efforts were submerged by the negotiations for Anjou’s departure, by the growing evidence of the king’s ill health, and above all by the discovery of a major conspiracy in February 1574. ⁶¹ It would be easy, but misguided, to regard the duke of Anjou’s memorandum as a ‘blueprint’ for his reign when he returned from his hundred-day reign in Poland to the throne of France after his brother’s death at Pentecost, 30 May 1574.
He had seen various ordinances on the subject over recent years ‘mais elles nont jamais dure six moys’. ⁴⁹ For good measure, he reminded the king that the fundamental process by which ordinary people could present grievances to the king and receive redress had fallen into desuetude. The maîtres des requêtes no longer went into the provinces to receive complaints and report them to the council. The discipline of receiving petitions and responding to them was another element in Anjou’s proposed reform.