La France de 1815 à 1848 - download pdf or read online

By Jean-Claude Caron

Ce manuel aborde l’histoire de l. a. France à l’époque de los angeles monarchie constitutionnelle sous ses elements politique, social et culturel, ainsi que los angeles politique extérieure, modifiant sensiblement l’approche traditionnelle des années 1815-1848 ; elles sont en effet essentielles et novatrices dans l’histoire politique : mise en position du jeu parlementaire, qualité des débats, value des questions sociétales soulevées, élaboration d’idéologies.
Période essentielle aussi pour l’histoire sociale : « découverte » de l. a. query sociale, revendications ouvrières, lutte pour le droit de grève ou le droit d’association.Période clé, enfin, pour l’histoire culturelle avec le romantisme, le plus citadel mouvement littéraire, artistique, scientifique, philosophique que l’Europe et los angeles France aient connu depuis l. a. Renaissance.

1 > Vie parlementaire et luttes politiques sous l. a. Restauration
2 > l. a. société française dans l. a. première moitié du XIXe siècle
3 > l. a. vie religieuse et culturelle
4 > los angeles révolution de 1830 et les débuts de los angeles monarchie de Juillet (1830-1835)
5 > Le triomphe de los angeles société bourgeoise
6 > los angeles crise de l. a. monarchie de Juillet et l. a. révolution de 1848

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This system emerged in the post-war era from the junction of three imperatives: to produce a meritocratically selected elite to operate the bureaucracy that ran the dirigiste economy; to provide for the general education of French citizens; and to furnish the (largely unskilled) labor that was demanded by the modernizing French industry. The first imperative imposed a series of competitive exams that very successfully selected a Cartesian technocratic elite, whose high seminaries were the ENA and Polytechnique and whose Vatican was the French treasury (Suleiman 1978; Ziegler 1997).

There is also a more pronounced market logic to the processes whereby public resources are distributed. Regional governments often find themselves in competition with each other to attract industry, and they respond by providing subsidies and regulatory conditions more appealing to potential investors. As public utilities such as France Télécom were privatized, they moved away from the public service logic on which they once operated, toward market logics that put more emphasis on the profitability of their operations.

Thus, the question confronting economic actors and successive governments during the 1990s was the same: how should they get their information about the likely developments in the economy? By what new rules would they coordinate their expectations about economic change? The questions are central to the politics of economic change. Yet they are not always central to the way political scientists study economic change, because many political scientists take as axiomatic that institutional change must be ratified by public policy.

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