By David Andress
On 17 July 1791 the innovative nationwide safeguard of Paris opened hearth on a crowd of protesters: voters believing themselves patriots attempting to retailer France from the reinstatement of a traitor king. To the nationwide defend and their political superiors the protesters have been the dregs of the folks, brigands paid via counter-revolutionary aristocrats. Politicians and newshounds declared the nationwide shield the patriots, and their motion a heroic defence of the fledgling structure. below the Jacobin Republic of 1793, despite the fact that, this 'massacre' was once considered as a excessive crime, a second of fact during which a corrupt elite uncovered its treasonable designs. This distinctive research of the occasions of July 1791 and their antecedents seeks to appreciate how Parisians of other sessions understood 'patriotism', and the way it used to be that their diverse solutions drove them to confront one another at the Champ de Mars.DAVID ANDRESS is senior lecturer in smooth ecu background, collage of Portsmouth. Who used to be a member of the innovative humans? And who have been its enemies? How may well one inform them aside? The contradictory solutions to such questions might lead 'patriotic' citizen-soldiers to shoot down patriot protesters in Paris on 17 July 1791. This booklet explores why and the way one of these clash arose, in a urban aflame with political beliefs, and beset by way of aristocratic 'dangerous' unemployed. Political unanimity was once one of many nice ambitions of the French Revolution; this research illustrates why it used to be so difficult to accomplish.
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Extra info for Massacre at the Champ de Mars: Popular Dissent and Political Culture in the French Revolution (Royal Historical Society Studies in History New Series)
E. Melzer and K. Norberg (eds), From the royal to the republican body: incorporating the political in seventeenth- and eighteenth-century France, Berkeley 1998. 43 Farge, Subversive words, 125–75. She contrasts her ‘long-term’ interpretation with that of 30 THE HISTORIANS point on Farge detects an acceleration in the evolution of sentiment. She notes that from 1760 the modes of popular speech, writings and placards began to take on ‘a life of their own’ that the police could no longer keep up with: ‘a speed which nothing could halt.
P. 103, demonstrates the interchangeability of ‘nation’ and ‘people’. However, P.
Beyond that, however, it has little to say. While the work has yet to be superseded as a piece of basic scholarship, its conclusions are remarkable for their simplicity: the ‘revolutionary crowd’ represented a 12 M. Sonenscher, ‘Artisans, sans-culottes and the French Revolution’, in A. Forrest and P. Jones (eds), Reshaping France: town, country and region during the French Revolution, Manchester 1991, 105–21; Work and wages: natural law, politics and the eighteenth-century French trades, Cambridge 1989; ‘Journeymen, the courts and the French trades, 1781–1791’, Past and Present cxiv (1987), 77–109; and ‘The sans-culottes of the year II: rethinking the language of labour in revolutionary France’, Social History ix (1984), 301–28.