By Laurence J. Kirmayer
Revisioning Psychiatry explores new theories and versions from cultural psychiatry and psychology, philosophy, neuroscience, and anthropology that make clear how psychological illnesses emerge in particular contexts and issues towards destiny integration of those views. Taken jointly, the contributions aspect to the necessity for primary shifts in psychiatric thought and perform: • Restoring phenomenology to its rightful position in learn and perform; • Advancing the social and cultural neuroscience of brain-person-environment structures through the years and throughout social contexts; • realizing how self-awareness, interpersonal interactions, and bigger social techniques supply upward thrust to vicious circles that represent psychological illnesses; • finding efforts to assist and heal in the neighborhood and worldwide social, monetary, and political contexts that effect how we body difficulties and picture suggestions. In advancing ecosystemic versions of psychological problems, members problem reductionistic versions and culture-bound views and spotlight probabilities for a extra transdisciplinary, built-in method of study, psychological well-being coverage, and scientific perform.
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Extra resources for Re-Visioning Psychiatry: Cultural Phenomenology, Critical Neuroscience, and Global Mental Health
232). Csordas takes this crucial idea forward with the tools of ethnography, presenting some of his own and Janis Jenkins’s work on the experience of depression among adolescent psychiatric inpatients in the American Southwest and then summarizing some key contributions to two landmark edited volumes in psychiatric anthropology by Kleinman and Good (on depression) and Jenkins and Barrett (on schizophrenia). The breadth of work represented by these edited volumes – and much other recent work in phenomenological anthropology (Desjarlais & Throop, 2011) – is an important counter to the concern that theory and research in psychology and psychiatry do not adequately represent the great cultural diversity of human experience (Henrich, Heine, & Norenzayan, 2010).
An emerging consensus sees addictions as a disorder involving biological mechanisms (“hijacking” of the brain’s reward circuitry), as well as material and social environments (Dackis & O’Brien, 2005). To understand these biosocial “entanglements,” anthropologist Eugene Raikhel draws from Bateson’s (1972) seminal essay on alcoholism, “The Cybernetics of Self,” to reﬂect on the ways that assumptions about “mind,” “self,” and “volition” shape addiction and recovery. The brain-disease model is one such epistemic object, and Raikhel traces its history and inﬂuence.
Cummings constructing “spectra” – resulting in a very high proportion of the population meeting criteria for one or more psychiatric disorders (Whitaker, 2010). Is this an accurate picture of the human condition – at least in the urban, industrialized, wealthy countries where most epidemiological surveys take place – or is it an example of the aggressive expansion of professional turf and corresponding markets for medications and other treatments? A critical literature documents many recent examples of diagnostic inﬂation, including: labeling prolonged grief and sadness as depression (Greenberg, 2010; Horwitz & Wakeﬁeld, 2007); extending BD to cover a broad spectrum of mood variations and applying the diagnosis to adolescents, children, and even infants (Moncrieff, 2014; Paris, 2012); viewing difﬁculties in classroom adjustment as evidence of attention deﬁcit disorder (ADD; Koerth-Baker, 2013; Thomas, Mitchell, & Batstra, 2013; Singh, 2008); treating shyness and other variations in social behavior or gregariousness as anxiety disorders (Horwitz & Wakeﬁeld, 2012); and broadening the use of the term “autism” to cover a very wide spectrum of traits (Basu & Parry, 2013).