By Steven Ungar
Why have literary critics, as within the situations of Martin Heidegger and Paul de guy, selected to disregard or suppress Blanchot's right-wing interwar and wartime writings, focusing in its place on his postwar creation? Scandal and Aftereffect offers an enlightening and provocative exam of this question, as Steven Ungar seems to be at a hundred articles released below Blanchot's signature among 1932 and 1937 in such right-wing guides as wrestle, Le Rempart, and l'Insurgé. Read more...
summary: Why have literary critics, as within the situations of Martin Heidegger and Paul de guy, selected to disregard or suppress Blanchot's right-wing interwar and wartime writings, focusing as an alternative on his postwar construction? Scandal and Aftereffect presents an enlightening and provocative exam of this query, as Steven Ungar seems to be at a hundred articles released below Blanchot's signature among 1932 and 1937 in such right-wing guides as strive against, Le Rempart, and l'Insurgé
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Additional info for Scandal and aftereffect : Blanchot and France since 1930
Debate at present remains variable and mobile; its site is just as likely to be London or Los Angeles as Paris, Jerusalem, or Frankfurt. As a result, nation space is no longer reducible to determinate borders, or to anything permanent, stable, and thus immune to change. The paradox of geography and what Renan called the principle of nationality is nowhere as evident as in the expression "La Plus Grande France" ("Larger [Greater? ] France") used as late as the 1960s in reference to colonial regimes imposed by the French in North and sub-Saharan Africa, the Far East, the Pacific, and the Caribbean.
It implied that memory was always incomplete because it was doubled by a structure of forgetting that the historian internalized as the condition of his or her historicity: "Whether professional or amateur, the historian is always a product of his own time and place. He stands at a crossroads in the byways of collective memory" (Rousso, 4). If, as Rousso argued, the historian always contended with the force imposed by a dominant memory, he or she was also a privileged agent whose account of the past might also inflect future representations.
The cultural sphere, moreover, was inundated by images of a troubled yet fascinating past. (1; emphasis in the original) The passage marked Rousso's conception of Vichy as an object of "history as memory" (Thistoire-memoire) to be studied in the form and content of social practices that perpetuated the memory of the past within a particular group or society. What made The Vichy Syndrome especially compelling was Rousso's refusal to dismiss from his own treatment the gaps and silences that gave presence and immediacy (actualite) to the memory of Vichy.