By Alex Bellamy
The terrorist assaults of eleven September 2001 marked a turning aspect in foreign politics, representing a brand new form of hazard which may now not simply be expected or avoided via state-based constructions of safeguard by myself. establishing up interdisciplinary conversations among strategic, fiscal, moral and criminal ways to international terrorism, this edited publication recognises a basic factor: whereas significant crises firstly are likely to make stronger previous pondering and behavioural styles, additionally they enable societies to problem and conquer entrenched behavior, thereby developing the rules for a brand new and maybe extra peaceable destiny. This quantity addresses the problems which are at stake during this twin technique of political closure, and hence rethinks how states can reply to terrorist threats. The contributors range from leading conceptual theorists to policy-oriented analysts, from senior lecturers to junior researchers. The publication explores how terrorism has had a profound influence on how safeguard is being understood and applied, and makes use of a variety of hitherto missed resources of perception, similar to these among political, monetary, criminal and moral elements, to envision the character and which means of safety in a quickly altering global.
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Extra info for Security and the War on Terror: Civil-Military Cooperation in a New Age (Contemporary Security Studies)
In this context it is worth returning to the claim Clausewitz makes directly after: ‘to secure that object we must render the enemy powerless; and that, in theory, is the true aim of warfare’ (Clausewitz, 1976: 75). The ultimate strategic question then is: can either the terrorists, or terrorism, be rendered powerless? Can force be the means? Analysts like Clive Williams, Louise Richardson and Jeffrey Record have understandably questioned the idea of a war on terrorism, saying that ‘it is not an ideology’ but ‘is a strategy: a form of conflict used for political purposes’; it is ‘a tactic and will continue to be deployed by those seeking change’ and ‘a method of violence, a way of waging war’ that has an ‘inherent attraction to the militarily powerless’ (Williams, 2006: 71; Richardson, 2006: 247; Record, 2003: 25, 8).
Clausewitz, 1976: 75) To impose our will on the enemy is the object of force, which can only be secured by rendering the enemy powerless. These are important formulations that are worth considering in the case of a war on terrorists and terrorist organizations, one that has the objective of securing society against their attacks. What is clear in Clausewitz’s reasoning is that military violence is the chosen means for imposing one’s will and exercising power, and that this is thought of immediately in Newtonian terms as force: as something that moves things, according to physical laws, in the face of opposing force and the friction of the effort.
We want to restore security to our umma. (Lawrence, 2005: 238) Cause and effect in the war on terror 37 The power of the example: rethinking cause, strategy, and effect In March 2006 US Vice-President Richard Cheney said in a media interview that the Democratic Party has a ‘a pre-9/11 mind-set. They’ve got a tendency to look at the terrorist attacks, for example, in terms of law enforcement and only law enforcement. But it was only … the President’s aggressive determination to go after these guys … that I think have protected the US from another attack’ (Snow, 2006).