By Neşecan Balkan, Erol Balkan, Ahmet Öncü
Islamist capital accumulation has break up the Turkish bourgeoisie and polarized Turkish society into secular and non secular social groupings, giving upward thrust to conflicts among the country and political Islam. via offering a long term historic viewpoint on Turkey's economic climate and its dating to Islamism, this quantity explores how Islamism as a political ideology has been used by the conservative bourgeoisie in Turkey, and somewhere else, to set up hegemony over exertions. The participants examine the connection among neoliberalism
and the political fortunes of the Islamist Justice and improvement celebration (AKP), and consider the similarities and alterations among new factions within the secular and Islamic center type that experience benefited economically, socially, and culturally through the AKP's reign. The articles additionally examine the impression of the Gulen circulation and the position of the media in shaping the contours of intra-class fight inside modern Turkish political and social lifestyles.
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Extra info for The Neoliberal Landscape and the Rise of Islamist Capital in Turkey
1 Islamist Ideology In this chapter, I define Islamism in line with Guilain Denoeux, as “a form of instrumentalization of Islam by individuals, groups, and organizations that pursue political objectives” (2002: 61). 2 Therefore, instead of focusing on Islam as a religion, it makes more sense to focus on the political actors who have constantly reinterpreted Islam in different ways in order to achieve their particular cultural, economic, and political objectives in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries (Ayoob 1979: 535–36; Mamdani 2005: 148– 49; Bayat 2008: 105).
3. The audiences of Khomeini, Mawdudi, and Qutb in the Muslim world are not isolated from each other. For instance, Khomeini influenced many Sunni Islamists in some countries, including Turkey, especially during the first few years following the Iranian Revolution. However, due to the historical significance of the Sunni-Shia divide within Islam, Mawdudi and Qutb had a much broader appeal among Sunnis, while Shiites remained as the main constituency of Khomeini’s politics. 4.
The second important source of their mass support was their propaganda against imperialism, which retained its existence in the region both economically and militarily during the Cold War, and against Zionism, which became a strong regional actor after the foundation of Israel in 1948. The victory of the Egyptian president Gamal Abdel Nasser (1918–70) over Britain and France in the Suez Crisis (1956) was the pinnacle of the power of secular nationalism in the entire region. However, it did not take long for the secular nationalist regimes’ decline from that pinnacle to begin.