The Roman Question and the Powers, 1848–1865 by Ivan Scott PDF

By Ivan Scott

There are elements within the Revolution and the Risorgimento through the 19th century that have dictated the association of this e-book and conditioned to boot the presentation of its contents. One is the appearance of a revolution which, abortive in r849, threatened always thereafter to wreck out back; the second one is the ideology of a ruling type, whose uncomplicated money of values and awake goals have been by surprise and profoundly altered via the surprising visual appeal of revo­ lution and the both speedy decay of this similar move. From those issues of view it turns into needed that the tale of the Risorgimento and the Revolution start within the yr r848. The mastery of the Revolution, as one sees with hindsight, was once attained via r861. That success, now not usually famous for what it was once by way of motivation and old necessity, is of valuable curiosity during this publication. i've got for this reason sought to offer a slightly complete photograph of occasions, with specific cognizance for the interior politics of the revo­ lutionary international locations concerned. the angle of a category of guys, threatened of their lives and of their estate, is the perspective of the counter-revo­ lution. there has been a willingness to just accept progressive development out of the necessity to direct its course.

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3 E. de La Cour to Drouyn, Vienna, 25 Decemberx848, AMAE, CP, Autriche, 437: I9II92. 1 2 EMERGENCE OF THE ROMAN QUESTION "witness passively" the independent action of Austria in Italy. Revolutionary "genus" in French society, he observed, would be nourished by the general excitement which Austria's ambitions would produce. The fall of a moderate government at Paris and the declaration of war would be the inevitable consequence of Austria's rashness.! ANGLO-FRENCH MEDIATION There was probably as much anxiety as calculated pressure in Drouyn's words, keyed to strike a responsive chord at Vienna where the understanding was alive that French liberalism always tended to radicalism and ultimately the proclamation of a peoples' war against the European monarchies.

James. A ustro-French discords The cabinet of Vienna, not unlike the English cabinet, was largely responsive to the opinions of a single man. In Austria the power had fallen into moderate hands, Prince Schwarzenberg the most prominent among the ministers. The pope's letter to Francis Joseph in December was coolly received by Schwarzenberg, his first interests imperial and only secondarily Catholic,2 but the chancellor was quick nonetheless to show the pope's letter to the French ambassador. This was enough to produce alarm at Paris and to convince even the most sanguine that Queen Victoria to Pius IX, 8 January 1849, copy, FO 167/45.

The deputation was dignified by its broad membership: a group of senators, representative figures from the municipal council, and the mayor of Rome, Prince Corsini. However, the whole body of petitioners was halted at the Neapolitan frontier. The best intentions of essentially moderate men in all branches of the Roman government were defeated by the arbitrary will of the Neapolitan king who refused them entry upon his territory. But it was said in the first moments of bitter defeat and rejection that the pope had already sent word that he would not in any case receive the petitioners if they should cross the boundary to Gaeta.

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