By Anthony Grafton, Ann Blair
The Transmission of tradition in Early smooth Europe makes a speciality of the ways that tradition is moved from one new release or crew to a different, now not through targeted replication yet by means of accretion or revision. The individuals to the quantity every one ponder how the passing of historic info is an natural technique that permits for the transformation of formerly authorised truth.
The quantity covers a huge and engaging scope of topics provided by way of best students. Anthony Grafton's contribution at the fifteenth-century forger Annius of Viterbo emphasizes the function of mind's eye within the classical revival; Lisa Jardine demonstrates the best way Erasmus helped flip a technical and rebarbative publication by way of Rudolph Agricola right into a sixteenth-century good fortune tale; Alan Charles Kors reveals the roots of Enlightenment atheism within the works of French Catholic theologians; Donald R. Kelley follows the felony notion of "custom" from its formula by way of the ancients to its assimilation into the fashionable social sciences; and Lawrence Stone exhibits how adjustments in criminal motion opposed to girl adultery among 1670 and 1857 mirror easy shifts in English ethical values.
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Additional info for The Transmission of Culture in Early Modern Europe
66. For Caius see V. Nutton, "John Caius and the Eton Galen: Medical Philology in the Renaissance," Medizinhistorisches Journal 20 (1985),227-52; for the Oxford/Cambridge debate, a distant ancestor of the Boat Race, see Kendrick (n. 24 above). 67. J. Caius, De antiquitate CantabrigiensisAcademiae libri duo (London, 1568),21-25; Caius's etymology of "giant" is an ancient one. 68. See, respectively, J. Sleidanus, De quatuor monarchiislibri tres (Leiden, 1669), II; Franklin (n. 9 above), 124--25; Savile in Bodleian Library MS Savile 29 (his "Prooemium mathematicum" of 1570),fo1.
Sleidanus, De quatuor monarchiislibri tres (Leiden, 1669), II; Franklin (n. 9 above), 124--25; Savile in Bodleian Library MS Savile 29 (his "Prooemium mathematicum" of 1570),fo1. 32 recto, where a reference to Berosus's defloratioof Chaldean history is underlined and bracketed. An afterthought? 69. M. 6; Opera (Venice, 1776), 234; Barreiros, Censura (n. 43 above), 26-30. 70. , 35-37; V. Borghini, Discorsi(Florence, 1584-85), I, 229. Borghini had help from O. Panvinio (II, 305). 71. Barreiros (n.
F. Jacob (London, 1960), 455-83. and the Emerging Humanities 2. ' My study singles out an individual-Erasmus of Rotterdam-in an unfamiliar way: not as a Renaissance "self" (however fashioned), but as the center to which a large, specificpart of the print-related activities of a much less well-known group emendatores,and castiqatores, was directed. of authors, commendatores, It is into this textual, Erasmian context that I reinsert the published works of Rudolph Agricola. I argue that the external, shaping pressures on the production of Agricola's De intentione dialectica(a work whose influence on Renaissance developments in dialectic is generally agreed to have been considerable) have consequences for our understanding and analysis of the text as subsequently transmitted.